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The Philippines 

A Century Hence 


"In the Philippine Islands the American govern- 
ment has tried, and is trying, to carry out exactly 
what the greatest genius and most revered patriot 
ever known in the Philippines, Jose Rizal, stead- 
fastly advocated." 

— From a public address at Fargo. N.D., on 
April 7th, 1905. by the President of the United 

A sketch map, by Dr. Kizal, of spheres of influence 
in the Pacific at the time of writing "The Philippines 
A Century Hence," as they appeared to him. 

Most of the French names will he easily recognized, 
though it may he noted that "Etats Unis" is cur own 
United States, "L'Angleterre" England and, "L'Espagne" 

Noli Me Tangere Quarter-Centennial Series 
Edited by Austin Craig 

The Philippines 
A Century Hence 

BY Jose Rizal 

Manila : 1912 

Philippine Education Company 

34 Escolta 

Copyright 1912 
BY Austin Craig 

Registered in the Philippine Islands. 




As "Filipinas dentro deCien Alios", this article 
was originally published serially in the Filipino 
fortnightly review "La Solidaridad". of Madrid, 
running through the issues from September, 
1889, to January, 1890. 

It supplements Rizal's great novel "Noli Me 
Tangere" and its sequel "El Filibusterismo", 
and the translation here given is fortunately by 
Mr. Charles Derbyshire who in his "The Social 
Cancer" and "The Reign of Greed" has so hap- 
pily rendered into English those masterpieces 
of Rizal. 

The reference which Doctor Rizal makes to 
President Harrison had in mind the grandson- 
of-his-grandfather's blundering, wavering policy 
that, because of a groundless fear of infringing 
the natives' natural rights, put his country in 


the false light of wanting to share in Samoa's 
exploitation, taking the leonine portion, too, 
along with Germany and England. 

Robert Louis Stevenson has told the story of 
the unhappy condition created by that disas- 
trous international agreement which was achiev- 
ed by the dissembling diplomats of greedy 
Europe flattering unsophisticated America into 
believing that two monarchies preponderating 
in an alliance with a republic would be fairer 
than the republic acting unhampered. 

In its day the scheme was acclaimed by ir- 
rational idealists as a triumph of American 
abnegation and an example of modern altruism. 
It resulted that "the international agreement" 
became a constant cause of international dis- 
agreements, as any student of history could 
have foretold, until, disQ:usted and disillusioned, 
the United States tardily recalled Washington's 
warning against entanglements with foreign 
powers and became a party to a real partition. 


but this time playing the lamb's part. England 
was compensated with concessions in other 
parts of the world, the United States was "given" 
what it already held under a cession twenty- 
seven years old, — and Germany took the rest 
as her emperor had planned from the start. 

There is this Philippine bearing to the 
incident that the same stripe of unpractical 
philanthropists, not discouraged athaving forced 
the Samoans under the ungentle German rule — 
for their victims and not themselves suffer by 
their mistakes, are seeking now the neutraliza- 
tion by international agreement of the Archi- 
pelago for which Rizal gave his life. Their 
success would mean another "entangling 
alliance" for the United States, with six allies, 
or nine including Holland, China and Spain, if 
the "great republic" should be allowed by the 
diplomats of the "Great Powers" to invite these 
nonentities in world politics, with whom she 
would still be outvoted. 


Rizal's reference to America as a possible 
factor in the Philippines' future is based upon 
the prediction of the German traveller Feodor 
Jagor, who about 1860 spent a number of 
months in the Islands and later published his 
observations, supplemented by ten years of 
further study in European libraries and mu- 
seums, as "Travels in the Philippines", to use 
the title of the English translation, — a very 
poor one, by the way. Rizal read the much 
better Spanish version while a student in the 
Ateneo de Manila, from a copy supplied by 
Paciano Rizal Mercado who directed his younger 
brother's political education and transferred 
to Jose the hopes which had been blighted for 
himself by the execution of his beloved teacher, 
Father Burgos, in the Cavite alleged insurrec- 

Jagor's prophecy furnishes the explanation to 
Rizal's public life. His policy of preparing his 
countrymen for industrial and commercial 


competition seems to have had its inspiration 
in this reading done when he was a youth in 
years but mature in fact through close contact 
Avith tragic public events as'well as with sensa- 
tional private sorrows. 

When in Berlin, Doctor Rizal met Professor 
Jagor, and the distinguished geographer and 
his youthful but brilliant admirer became fast 
friends, often discussing how the progress of 
events was bringing true the fortune for the 
Philippines which the knowledge of its history 
and the acquaintance with its then condition 
had enabled the trained observer to foretell 
with that same certainty that the meteorologist 
foretells the morrow's weather. 

A like political acumen Rizal tried to 
develop in his countrymen. He republished 
Morga's History (first published in Mexico in 
1609) to recall their past. Noli Me Tangere 
painted their present, and in El Filibusterismo 
was sketchod the future which continuance upon 


their thea course must bring. "The Philippines 
A Century Hence" suggests other possiblities, 
and seems to have been the initial issue in the 
series of ten which Rizal planned to print, one 
a year, to correct the misunderstanding of his 
previous writings which had come from their 
being known mainly by the extracts cited in 
the censors' criticism. 

Jose Rizal in life voiced the aspirations of his 
countrymen and as the different elements in his 
divided native land recognized that these were 
the essentials upon which all were agreed and 
that their points of difference among themselves 
were not vital, dissension disappeared and there 
came an united Philippines. Now, since his 
death, the fact that both continental and insular 
Americans look to him as their hero makes pos- 
sible the hope that misunderstandings based on 
differences as to details may cease when Fili- 
pinos recognize that the American Government 
in the Philippines, properly approached, is will- 


ing to grant all that Rizal considered import- 
ant, and when Americans understand that the 
people of the Philippines, unaccustomed to the 
frank discussions of democracy, would be con- 
tent with so little even as Rizal asked of Spain 
if only there were some salve for their unwit- 
tingly wounded «mor iiropio. 

A better knowledge of the writings of Jose 
Rizal may accomplish this desirable consum- 

1 do not write for this generation. I am writ- 
ing for other ages. If this could read me, they 
would burn my books, the work of my whole life. 
On the other hand, the generation which interprets 
these writings will be an educated generation; they 
will understand me and say: Not all were asleep 
in the night-time of our grandparents'." 
— The Philosopher 'Tasio, in Noli Me Tangere. 

The Prophecy which Prompted 

RiZAL's Policy oe Preparation 

FOR the Philippines 

jAGOR's Prophecy 

This extract is translated from Pages 287-289 
of "Reisen in den Philippinen von F. Jagor: 
Berlin 1873". 

"The old situation is no longer possible of 
maintenance, with the changed conditions of 
the present time. 

"The coloty can no longer be kept secluded 
from the world. Every facility afforded for 
commercial intercourse is a blow to the old 
system, and a great step made in the direction 
of broad and liberal reforms. The more foreign 
capital and foreign ideas and customs are in- 
troduced, increasing the prosperity, enlighten- 
ment, and self respect of the population, the 
more impatiently will the existing evils be 

"England can and does open her possessions 
unconcernedly to the world. The British col- 
onies are united to the mother country by the 


bond of mutual advantage, viz., the production 
of raw material by means of English capital, 
and the exchange of the same for English 
manufactures. The wealth of England is so 
great, the organization of her commerce with 
the world so complete, that nearly all tlie for- 
eigners even in the British possessions are for 
the most part agents for English business 
houses, which would scarcely be affected, at 
least to any marked extent, by a political dis- 
memberment. It is entirely different with 
Spain, which possesses the colony as an inherit- 
ed property, and without the power of turning 
it to any useful account. 

"Government monopolies rigorously maintain- 
ed, insolent disregard and neglect of the half- 
castes and powerful Creoles, and the example of 
the United States, were the chief reasons of the 
downfall of the American possessions. The 
same causes threaten ruin to the Philippines; 
but of the monopolies i have said enough. 


"Half-castes and Creoles, it is true, are not, as 
they formerly were in America, excluded from 
all official appointments; but they feel deeply 
hurt and injured through the crowds of place- 
hunters which the frequent changes of Ministers 
send to Manila. 

"Also the influence of American elements is at 
least discernible on the horizon, and will come 
more to the front as the relations of the two 
countries grow closer. At present these are 
still of little importance; in the meantime com- 
merce follows its old routes, which lead to 
England and the Atlantic ports of the Union. 
Nevertheless, he who attempts to form a judg- 
ment as to the future destiny of the Philippines 
cannot fix his gaze only on their relations to 
Spain; he must also consider the mighty changes 
which within a few decades are being effected 
on that side of our planet. For the first time 
in the world's history, the gigantic nations on 
both sides of a gigantic ocean are beginning to 


come into direct intercourse: Russia, which 
alone is greater than two divisions of the world 
together; China, which within her narrow bounds 
contains a third of the human race; America, 
with cultivable soil enough to support almost 
three times the entire population of the earth. 
Russia's future role in the Pacific Ocean at 
present baffles all calculations. The intercourse 
of the two other powers will probably have all 
the more important consequences when the ad- 
justment between the immeasurable necessity 
for human labor-power on the one hand, and a 
correspondingly great surplus of that power on 
the other, shall fall on it as a problem." 

"The world of the ancients was confined to 
the shores of the Mediterranean; and the 
Atlantic and Indian Oceans sufficed at one time 
for our traffic. When first the shores of the 
Pacific re-echoed with the sounds of active 
commerce, the trade of the world and the his- 
tory of the world may be really said to have 


begun. A start in that direction has been 
made; whereas not so very long ago the im- 
mense ocean was one wide waste of waters, tra- 
versed from both points only once a year. 
From 1603 to 1769 scarcely a ship had ever 
visited California, that wonderful country which, 
twenty-five years ago, with the exception of a 
few places on the coast, was an unknown wilder- 
ness, but which is now covered with flourishing 
and prosperous towns and cities, divided from 
sea to sea by a railway, and its capital already 
ranking among the world's greatest seaports. 

"But in proportion as the commerce of the 
western coast of America extends the influence 
of the American elements over the South Sea, 
the ensnaring spell which the great republic 
exercises over the Spanish colonies will not fail 
to assert itself in the Philippines also. The 
Americans appear to be called upon to bring the 
germ planted by the Spaniards to its full devel- 
opment. As conquerors of the New World, 


representatives of the body of free citizens in 
contradistinction to the nobility, they follow 
with the axe and plow of the pioneer where the 
Spaniards had opened the way with cross and 
sword. A considerable part of Spanish America 
already belongs to the United States, and has, 
since that occurred, attained an importance 
which could not have been anticipated either 
during Spanish rule or during the anarchy which 
ensued after and from it. In the long run, the 
Spanish system cannot prevail over the Amer- 
ican. While the former exhausts the colonies 
through direct appropriation of them to the 
privileged classes, and the metropolis through 
the drain of its best forces (with, besides, a 
feeble population), America draws to itself the 
most energetic element from all lands; and these 
on her soil, free from all trammels, and restlessly 
pushing forward, are continually extending fur- 
ther her power and iniduence. The Philippines 
will so much the less escape the influence of the 


two great neighboring empires, since neither 
the ishmds nor their metropolis are in a condi- 
tion of stable equilibrium, it seems desirable 
for the natives that the opinions here expressed 
shall not too soon be realized as facts, for their 
training thus far has not sufficiently prepared 
them for success in the contest with those rest- 
less, active, most inconsiderate peoples; they 
have dreamed away their youth." 

The Philippines A Century Hence 

The Philippines A Century Hence 


T?OLLOWING our usual custom of facing 
squarely the most difficult and delicate 
questions relating to the Philippines, without 
weighing the consequences that our frankness 
may bring upon us, we shall in the present 
article treat of their future. 

In order to read the destiny of a people, it is 
necessary to open the book of its past, and this, 
for the Philippines, may be reduced in general 
terms to what follows. 

Scarcely had they been attached to the 
Spanish crown than they had to sustain with 
their blood and the efforts of their sons the 
wars and ambitions of conquest of the Spanish 
people, and in these struggles, in that terrible 


crisis when a people changes its form of govern- 
ment, its laws, usages, customs, religion and 
beliefs the Philippines were depopulated, im- 
poverished and retarded — caught in their meta- 
morphosis, without confidence in their past, 
without faith in their present and with no fond 
hope for the years to come. The former rulers 
who had merel}'' endeavored to secure the fear 
and submission of their subjects, habituated 
by them to servitude, fell like leaves from a 
dead tree, and the people, who had no love for 
them nor knew what liberty was, easily changed 
masters, perhaps hoping to gaiii something by 
the innovation. 

Then began a new era for the Filipinos. 
They gradually lost their ancient traditions, 
their recollections — they forgot their writings, 
their songs, their poetry, their laws, in order to 
learn by heart other doctrines, which they did 
not understand, other ethics, other tastes, dif- 
ferent from those inspired in their race by their 


climate and their way of thinking. Then there 
was a fallinor-off, they were lowered in their 
own eyes, they became ashamed of what was 
distinctively their own, in order to admire and 
praise what was foreign and incomprehensible: 
their spirit was broken and they acquiesced. 

Thus years and centuries rolled on . Eeligious 
shows, rites that caught the eye, songs, lights, 
images arrayed with gold, worship in a strange 
language, legends, miracles and sermons, hyp- 
notized the already naturally superstitious spirit 
of the country, but did not succeed in destroy- 
ing it altogether, in spite of the whole system 
afterwards developed and operated with un- 
yielding tenacity. 

When the ethical abasement of the inhabitants 
had reached this stage, when they had become 
disheartened and disgusted with themselves, an 
effort was made to add the final stroke for re. 
ducing so many dormant wills and intellects to 
nothingness, in order to make of the individual 


a sort of toiler, a brute, a beast of burden, and 
to develop a race without mind or heart. Then 
the end sought was revealed, it was taken for 
granted, the race was insulted, an eifort was 
made to deny it every virtue, every human char- 
acteristic, and there were even writers and pri- 
ests who pushed the movement still further by 
trying to deny to the natives of the country not 
only capacity for virtue but also even the ten- 
dency to vice. 

Then this which they had thought would be 
death was sure salvation. Some dying persons 
are restored to health by a heroic remedy. 

So great endurance reached its climax with 
the insults, and the lethargic spirit woke to life. 
His sensitiveness, the chief trait of the native, 
was touched, and while he had had the forbear- 
ance to suffer and die under a foreign flag, he 
had it not when they whom he served repaid his 
sacrifices with insults and jests. Then he began 
to study himself and to realize his misfortune. 


Those who had not expected this result, like all 
despotic masters, regarded as a wrong every 
complaint, every protest, and punished it with 
death, endeavoring thus to stifle every cry of 
sorrow with blood, and they made mistake after 

The spirit of the people was not thereby cowed, 
and even though it had been awakened in only 
a few hearts, its flame nevertheless was surely 
and consumingly propagated, thanks to abrses 
and the stupid endeavors of certain classes 
to stifle noble and generous sentiments. Thus 
when a flame catches a garment, fear and con- 
fusion propagate it more and more, and each 
shake, each blow, is a blast from the bellows to 
fan it into life. 

Undoubtedly during all this time there were 
not lacking generous and noble spirits among 
the dominant race that tried to struggle for the 
rights of humanity and justice, or sordid and 
cowardly ones among the dominated that aided 


the debasement of their own country. But both 
were exceptions and we are speaking in general 

»Snch is an outline of their past. We know 
their present. Now, what will their future be? 

Will the Philippine Islands continue to be a 
Spanish colony, and if so, what kind of colony? 
Will they become a province of Spain, with or 
without autonomy? And to reach this stage, 
what kind of sacrifices will have to be made? 

Will they be separated from the mother 
country to live independently, to fall into the 
hands of other nations, or to ally themselves 
with neighboring powers? 

It is impossible to reply to these questions, 
for to ail of them both yrs and no may be 
answered, according to the time desired to be 
covered. When there is in nature no fixed 
condition, how much less must there be in the 
life of a people, beings endowed with mobility 
and movement! So it is that in order to deal 


with these questions, it is necessary to presume 
an unlimited period of time, and in accordance 
therewith try to forecast futiire events. 



'I X THAT will become of the Philippines with- 
in a century? Will they continue to 
ba a Spanish colony? 

Had this question been asked three centuries 
ago, when at Legazpi's death the Malayan Fili- 
pinos began to be gradually undeceived and, 
finding the yoke heavy, tried in vain to shake it 
off, without any doubt whatsoever the reply 
would have been easy. To a spirit enthusiastic 
over the liberty of the country, to those uncon- 
querable Kagayanes who nourished within 
themselves the spirit of the Magalats, to the 
descendants of the heroic Gat Pulintang and 
Gat Salakab of the Province of Batangas, 
independence was assured, it was merely a ques- 


tion of getting together and making a determin- 
ed effort. But for him who, disillusioned by sad 
experience, saw everywhere discord and dis- 
order, apathy and brutalization in the lower 
classes, discouragement and disunion in the 
upper, only one answer presented itself, and it 
was: extend his hands to the chains, bow his 
neck beneath the yoke and accept the future 
with the resignation of an invalid who watches 
the leaves fall and foresees a long winter amid 
whose snows he discerns the outlines of his 
grave. At that time|discord justified pessimism 
— but three centuries passed, the neck had be- 
come accustomed to the yoke, and each new 
generation, begotten in chains, was constantly 
better adapted to the new order of things. 

Now, then, are the Philippines in the same 
condition they were three centuries ago? 

For the liberal Spaniards the ethical condi- 
tion of the people remains the same, that is, 
the native Filipinos have not advanced; for the 


friars and their followers the people have been 
redeemed from savagery, that is, they have 
progressed; for many Filipinos ethics, spirit 
and customs have decayed, as decay all the 
good qualities of a people that falls into slavery 
that is, they have retrograded. 

Laying aside these considerations, so as not 
to get away from our subject, let us draw a 
brief parallel between the political situation 
then and the situation at present, in order to 
see if what was not possible at that time can be 
so now, or vice versa. 

Let us pass over the loyalty the Filipinos 
may feel for Spain; let us suppose for a moment, 
along Avith Spanish writers, that there exist 
only motives for hatred and jealousy between 
the two races; let us admit the assertions 
flaunted by many that three centuries of domi- 
nation have not awakened in the sensitive 
heart of the native a single spark of affection 
or gratitude; and we may see whether or not 


the Spanish cause has gained ground in the 

Formerly the Spanish authority was upheld 
among the natives by a handful of soldiers, 
three to five hundred at most, many of whom 
were engaged in trade and were scattered about 
not only in the Islands but also among the 
neighboring nations, occupied in long wars 
against the Mohammedans in the south, against 
the British and Dutch, and ceaselessly harassed 
by Japanese, Chinese, or some tribe in the 
interior Then communication with Mexico 
and Spain was slow, rare and difficult; frequent 
and violent the disturbances among the ruling 
powers in the Islands, the treasury nearly 
always empty, and the life of the colonists 
dependent upon one frail ship that handled the 
Chinese trade. Then the seas in those regions 
were infested with pirates, all enemies of the 
Spanish name, which was defended by an im- 
provised fleet, generally manned by rude ad- 
venturers, when not by foreigners and enemies, 


as happened in the expedition of Gomez Perez 
Dasmarinas, which was checked and frustrated 
bj the mutiny of the Chinese rowers, who killed 
him and thwarted all his plans and schemes. 
Yet in spite of so many adverse circumstances 
the Spanish authority has been upheld for more 
than three centuries and, though it has been 
curtailed, still continues to rule the destinies of 
the Philippine group. 

On the other hani,the present situation seems 
to be gilded and rosy — as we might say, a beau- 
tiful morning compared to the vexed and stormy 
night of the past. The material forces at the 
disposal of the Spanish sovereign have now been 
trebled; the fleet relatively improved; there is 
more organization in both civil and military af- 
fairs; communication with the sovereign country 
is swifter and surer; she has no enemies abroad; 
her possession is assured; and the country domi- 
nated seems to have less spirit, less aspiration 
for independence, a word that is to it almost 
incomprehensible. Everything then at first 


glance presages another three centuries, at least, 
of peaceful domination and tranquil suzerainty. 

But above the material considerations are 
arising others, invisible, of an ethical nature, far 
more powerful and transcendental. 

Orientals, and the Malays in particular, are 
asensitivepeople: delicacy of sentimentispredom- 
inant witli them. Even now, in spite of contact 
with the occidental nations, who have ideals 
different from his, we see the Ma layan Filipino 
sacrifice everything- — liberty, ease, welfare,name, 
for the sake of an aspiration or a conceit, some- 
times scientific, or of some other nature, but at 
the least word which wounds his self-love he 
forgets all his sacrifices, the labor expended, to 
treasure in his memory and never forget the 
slight he thinks he has received. 

So the Philippine peoples have remained faith- 
ful during three centuries, giving up their liberty 
and their independence, sometimes dazzled by 


the liope of the Paradise promised, sometimes 
cajoled bj the friendship offered them by a noble 
and generous people like the Spanish, sometimes 
also compelled by superiority of arms of which 
they were ignorant and which timid spirits in- 
vested with a mysterious character, or sometimes 
because the invading foreigner took advantage 
of intestine feuds to step in as the peacemaker 
in discord and thus later to dominate both par- 
ties and subject them to his authority. 

Spanish domination once established, it was 
firmly maintained, thanks to the attachment of 
the people, to their mutual dissensions, and to 
the fact that the sensitive self-love of the 
native had not jet been wounded. Then the 
people saw their own countrymen in the higher 
ranks of the army, their general officers fight- 
ing beside the heroes of Spain and sharing their 
laurels, begrudged neither character, reputation 
nor consideration; then fidelity and attachment 
to Spain, love of the fatherland, made of the 


native, encomendero * and even general, as during 
the English invasion; then there had not yet been 
invented the insulting and ridiculous epithets 
with which recently the most laborious and 
painful achievments of the native leaders have 
been stigmatized; not then had it become the 
fashion to insult and slander in stereotyped 
phrase, in newspapers and books published with 
governmental and superior ecclesiastical approv- 
al, the people that paid, fought and poured out 
its blood for the Spanish name, nor was it 
considered either nolile or witty to offend a 
whole race, which was forbidden to reply or 
defend itself; and if there were religious hypo- 
chondriacs w^ho in the leisure of their cloisters 
dared to w^ite against it, as did tlie Augustiniaii 

* An enwnienderd was a Spanish soldier who as 
a reward for faithlul service was set over a dis- 
trict with power to collect tribute and the duty 
of providing' the people with leg-al protection and 
religious instruction. This arrangement is memo- 
rable in early Philippine anuals chiefly for the 
flagrant abuses that appear to have characterized it. 


Gaspar de San Agustin and the Jesnit Velarde, 
their loathsome abortions never saw the light, 
and still less were they themselves rewarded 
with miters and raised to high offices. True it 
is that neither were the natives of that time 
such as we are now: three centuries of brut- 
alization and obscurantism have necessarily had 
some influence upon us, the most beautiful work 
of divinity in the hands of certain artisans may 
finally be converted into a caricature. 

The priests of that epoch, wishing to establish 
their domination over the people, got in touch 
with it and made common cause with it against 
the oppressive encomenderos. Naturally, the 
people saw in them greater learning and some 
prestige and placed its confidence in them, 
followed their advice, and listened to them even 
in the darkest hours. If they wrote, they did 
so in defense of the rights of the native and 
made his cry reach even to the distant steps of 
the Throne. And not a few priests, both secular 


and regular, undertook dangerous journeys, as 
representatives of the country, and this, along 
with the strict and public re.sidencia * then 
required of the governing powers, from the 
captain-general to the most insignificant of- 
ficial, rather consoled and pacified the wounded 
spirits, satisfying, even though it were only in 
form, all the malcontents. 

All this has passed away. The deri'^ive 
laughter penetrates like mortal poison into the 
heart of the native who pays and suflFers and it 
becomes more offensive the more immunity it 
enjoys. A common sore, the general affront 
offered to a whole race, has wiped away the old 
feuds among different provinces. The people 
no longer has confidence in its former protec- 

* No official was allowed to leave the Islands at the 
expit'ation of his term of office until his successor or a 
council appointed by the .sovereijfn inquired into all the 
acts of his administration and approved them. (This 
resldencia was a fertle source of recrimination and re- 
taliation, so the author quite aptly refers to it a little 
further on as "the ancient show of justice." 


tors, now its exploiters and executioners. The 
masks have fallen. It has seen that the love 
and piety of the past have come to resemble the 
devotion of a nurse who, unable to live else- 
where, desires eternal infancy, eternal weakness, 
for the child in order to go on drawing her 
wages and existing at its expense; it has seen 
not only that she does not nourish it to make 
it grow but that she poisons it to stunt its 
growth, and at the slightest protest she flies into 
a rage! The ancient show of justice, the holy 
residencia, has disappeared; confusion of ideas 
begins to prevail; the regard shown for a 
governor-general, like La Torre, becomes a 
crime in the government of his successor, suf- 
ficient to cause the citizen to lose his liberty 
and his home; if he obey the order of one official, 
as in the recent matter of admitting corpses 
into the church, it is enough to have the obedi- 
ent subject later harassed and persecuted in 
every possible way; obligations and taxes in- 
crease without thereby increasing rights, pri- 


vileges and liberties or assuring the few in 
existence; a regime of continual terror and 
uncertainty disturbs the minds, a regime worse 
than a period of disorder, for the fears that the 
imagination conjures up are generally greater 
than the reality; the country is poor; the 
financial crisis through which it is passing is 
acute, and every one points out with the finger 
the persons who are causing the trouble, yet no 
one dares lay hands upon tbem! 

True it is that tbe Penal Code has come like 
a drop of balm to such bitterness. * But of wliat 
use are all the codes in the world, if by means 
of confidential reports, if for trifling reasons, if 
through anonymous traitors any honest citizen 
may be exiled or banished without a hearing, 
without a trial? Of what use is that Penal 
Code, of what use is life, if there is no security 
in the home, no faith in justice and confidence 

* The penal code was promulgated in tiie Islands by 
Royal Order of September 4, 1884. 


in tranquility of conscience? Of what use is 
all that arra}' of terms, all that collection of 
articles, when the cowardly accusation of a 
traitor has more influence in the timorous ears 
of the supreme autocrat than all the cries for 

If this state of affairs should continue, what 
will become of the Philippines within a century? 

The batteries are gradually becoming charged 
and if the prudence of the government does not 
provide an outlet for the currents that are ac- 
cumulating, some day the spark will be gene- 
rated. This is not the place to speak of what 
outcome such a deplorable conflict might have, 
for it depends upon chance, upon the weapons 
and upon a thousand circumstances which man 
can not foresee. But even though all the ad- 
vantage should be on the government's side and 
therefore the probability of success, it would be 
a Pyrrhic victory, and no government ought to 
desire such. 


If those who guide the destinies of the Philip- 
pines remain obstinate, and instead of introduc- 
ing reforms try to make the condition of the 
country retrograde, to push their severity and 
repression to extremes against the classes that 
suffer and think, they are going to force the 
latter to venture and put into play the 
wretchedness of ati unquiet life, filled with 
privation and bitterness, against the hope of 
securing something indefinite. What would be 
lost in the struggle? Almost nothing: the life 
of the numerous dicontented classes has no such 
great attraction that it should be preferred to 
a glorious death. It may indeed be a suicidal 
attempt — but then, what? Would not a bloody 
chasm yawn between victors and vanquished, 
and might not the latter with time and exper- 
ience become equal in strength, since they are 
superior in numbers, to their dominators? 
Who disputes this? All the petty insurrections 
that have occurred in the Philippines were the 


work of a few fanatics or discontented soldiers, 
who had to deceive and humbug the people or 
avail themselves of their power over their 
subordinates to gain their ends. So they all 
failed. No insurrection had a popular character 
or was based on a need of the whole race or 
fought for human rights or justice, so it left no 
ineffaceable impressions, but rather when they 
saw that they had been duped the people bound 
up their wounds and applauded the overthrow 
of the disturbers of their peace ! But what if 
the movement springs from the people them- 
selves and bases its cause upon their woes? 

So then, if the prudence and wise reforms of 
our ministers do not hnd capable and determined 
interpreters among the colonial governors and 
faithful perpetuators among those whom the 
frequent political changes send to fill such a 
delicate post; if met with the eternal it is out of 
order, proffered by the elements who see their 
livelihood in the backwardness of their subjects; 


if just claims are to go unheeded, as being of a 
subversive tendency; if the country is denied 
representation in the Cortes and an authorized 
voice to cry out against all kinds of abuses, 
which escape through the complexity of the 
laws; if, in short, the system, prolific in results 
of alienating the good will of the natives, is to 
continue, pricking his (tpafhetic mind with 
insults and charges of ingratitude, we can as- 
sert that in a fevsr years the present state of iif- 
fairs will have been modified completely — and 
inevitably. There now exists a factor which 
was formerly lacking — the spirit of the nation 
has been aroused, and a common misfortune, a 
common debasement, has united all the inhabi- 
tants of the Islands. A numerous enlightened 
class now exists within and without the Islands, 
a class created and continually augmented by 
the stupidity of certain governing powers, 
which forces the inhabitants to leave the 
country, to secure education abroad, and it is 


maintained and struggles thanks to the provo- 
critions and the system of espionage in vogue. 
This class, whose number is cumulatively in- 
creasing, is in constant communication with 
the rest of the Islands, and if today it consti- 
tutes only the brain of the country in a few 
years it will form the whole nervous system and 
manifest its existence in all its acts. 

Now. statecraft has various means at its dis- 
posal for checking a people on the road to pro- 
gress: the brutalization of the masses through a 
caste addicted to the government, aristocratic, 
as in the Dutch colonies, or theocratic, as in the 
Philippines; the impoverishment of the country; 
the gradual extermination of the inhabitants; 
and the fostering of feuds among the races. 

Brutalization of the Malayan Filipino has 
been demonstrated to be impossible. In spite 
of the dark horde of friars, in whose hands rests 
the instruction of youth, which miserably wastes 
years and years in the colleges, issuing there- 


from tired, weary and disgusted with books; in 
spite of the censorship, which tries to close every 
avenue to progress; in spite of all the pulpits, 
confessionals, books and missals that inculcate 
hatred toward not only all scientific knowledge 
but even toward the Spanish language itself; in 
spite of this whole elaborate system perfected 
and tenaciously operated by those who wish to 
keep the Islands in holy ignorance, there exist 
writers, freethinkers, historians, philosophers, 
chemists, physicians, artists and jurists. En- 
lightenment is spreading and the persecution it 
suffers quickens it. No, the divine tiame of 
thought is inextinguishable in the Filipino 
people and somehow or other it will shine forth 
and compel recognition. It is impossible to 
brutalize the inhabitants of the Philippines! 

May poverty arrest their development? 

Perhaps, but it is a very dangerous means. 
Experience has everywhere shown us and espe- 
cially in the Philippines, that the classes which 


are better off have always been addicted to peace 
and order, because they live comparatively bet- 
are and may be the losers in civil disturbances 
Wealth brings with it refinement, the spirit of 
conservation, while poverty inspires adventurous 
ideas, the desire to change things, and has littles 
care for life. Machiavelli himself held this 
means of subjecting a people to be perilous, ob- 
serving that loss of welfare stirs up more obdu- 
rate enemies than loss of life. Moreover, when 
there are wealth and abundance, there is less 
discontent, less complaint, and the government, 
itself wealthier, has more means for sustaining 
itself. On the other hand, there occurs in a 
poor country what happens in a house where 
bread is wanting. And further, of what use to 
the mother country would a poor and lean col 
ony be? 

Neither is it possible gradually to exterminate 
the inhabitants. The Philippine races, like all 
the Malays, do not succumb before the foreigner. 


like the Australians, the Polynesians and the 
Indians of the New World, in spite of the 
numerous wars the Filipinos have had to carry 
on, in spite of the epidemics that have periodi- 
cally visited them, their number has trebled, as 
has that of the Malaj s of Java and the Moluc- 
cas. The Filipino embraces civilization and 
lives and thrives in every clime, in contact vrith 
every people. Rum, that poison which exter- 
minated the natives of the Pacific islands, has 
no power in the Philippines, but, rather, com- 
parison of their present condition with that 
described by the early historians, makes it ap- 
pear that the Filipinos have grown soberer. 
The petty wars with the inhabitants of the 
South consume only the soldiers, people who 
by their fidelity to the Spanish flag, far from being 
a menace, are surely one of its solidest supports. 

There remains the fostering of intestine feuds 
among the provinces. 

This was formerly possible, when communi- 
cation from one island to another was rare and 


difficult, when there were no steamers or tele- 
graph-lines, when the regiments were formed 
according to the various provinces, when some 
provinces were cajoled by awards of privileges 
and honors and others were protected from the 
strongest. But now that the privileges have 
disappeared, that through a spirit of distrust 
the regiments have been reorganized, that the 
inhabitants move from one island to another, 
communication and exchange of impressions 
naturally increase, and as all see themselves 
threatened by the same peril and wounded in 
the same feelings, they clasp hands and make 
common cause. It is true that the union is not yet 
wholly perfected, but to this end tend the meas- 
ures of good government, the vexations to which 
the townspeople are subjected, the frequent 
changes of officials, the scarcity of centers of 
learning, which forces the youth of all the Islands 
to come together and begin to get acquainted. 
The journeys to Europe contribute not a little 
to tighten the bonds, for abroad the inhabitants 


of the most widely separated provinces are im- 
pressed by their patriotic feelings, from sailors 
even to the wealthiest merchants, and at the 
siglit of modern liberty and the memory of the 
misfortunes of their country, they embrace and 
call one another brothers. 

In short, then, the advancement and ethical 
progress of the Philippines are inevitable, are 
decreed by fate. 

The Islands cannot remain in the condition 
they are without requiring from the sovereign 
country more liberty Mutatis mutandis. For 
new men, a new social order. 

To wish that the alleged child remain in its 
swaddling-clothes is to risk that it may turn 
against its nurse and flee, tearing away the old 
rags that bind it. 

The Philippines, then, will remain under 
Spanish domination, but with more law and 
greater liberty, or they will declare themselves 


independent, after steeping themaelvea and the 
mother country in blood. 

As no one should desire or hope for such an 
unfortunate rupture, which would be an evil for 
all and only the final argument in the most 
desperate predicament, let us see by what forms 
of peaceful evolution the Islands may remain 
subjected to the Spanish authority with the 
very least detriment to the rights, interests and 
dignity of both parties. 



TF THE Philippines must remain under the 
control of Spain, they will necessarily have 
to be transformed in a political sense, for the 
course of their history and the needs of their 
inhabitants so require. This we demonstrated 
in the preceding article. 

We also said that this transformation will be 
violent and fatal if it proceeds from the ranks 
of the people, but peaceful and fruitful if it 
emanate from the upper classes. 

Some governors have realized this truth, and, 
impelled by their patriotism, have been trying 
to introduce needed reforms in order to fore- 
stall events. But notwithstanding all that have 
been ordered up to the present time, they have 


produced scanty results, for the government as 
well as for the country. Even those that 
promised only a happy issue have at times 
caused injury, for the simple reason that they 
have been based upon unstable grounds. 

We said, and once more we repeat, and will 
ever assert, that reforms which have a palliative 
character are not only ineffectual but even 
prejudicial, Avhen the government is confronted 
with evils that must be cured radicaU//. And 
were we not convinced of the lif)nesty and rec- 
titude of some governors, we would be tempted 
to say that all the partial reforms are only 
plasters and salves of a physician who, not 
knowing how to cure the cancer, and not daring 
to root it out, tries in this way to alleviate the 
patient's sufferings or to temporize with the 
cowardice of the timid and ignorant. 

All the reforms of our liberal nnnisters were, 
have been, are, and will be good — when carried 


When we think of them, we are reminded of 
the dieting of Sancho Panza in his Barataria 
Island. He took his seat at a sumptuous and 
well-appointed table "covered with fruit and 
many varieties of food differently prepared, " 
but between the wretch's mouth and each dish 
the physician Pedro Rezio iiiterposed his wand, 
saying, "Take it away!" The dish removed, 
Sancho was as hungry as ever. True it is that 
the despotic Pedro Rezio gave reasons, which 
seem to have been written by Cervantes especial- 
ly for the colonial administrations: "You must 
not eat, Mr. Governoi-, except according to the 
usage and custom of other islands where there 
are governors." Something was found to be 
wrong with each disli: one was too hot, another 
too moist, and so on, just like our Pedro Rezios 
on both sides of the sea. Great good did his 
cook's skill do Sancho! * 

In the case of our country, the reforms take 

Cervantes' "Don Quijote," Part II, cliapter 47. 


the place of the dishes, the Philippines are 
Sancho, ^vhile the part of the quack physician 
is played by many persons, interested in not 
having the dishes touched, perhaps that tliey 
may themselves get the benefit of them. 

The result is that the long-suffering Sancho, 
or the Philippines, misses his liberty, rejects 
all government and ends up by rebelling against 
his quack physician. 

In like manner, so long as the Philippine.s 
have no liberty of the press, have no voice in 
the Cortes to make known to the government 
and to the nation whether or not their decrees 
have been duly obeyed, whether or not these 
benefit the country, all the able efforts of the 
colonial ministers will meet the fate of the 
dishes in Barataria Island. 

The minister, then, who wants his reforms to 
be reforms, must begin by declaring the press 
in the Philippines free and by instituting Fili- 
pino delegates. 


The press free in the Philippines, because 
their complaints rarely ever reach the Peninsula, 
very rarely, and if they do they are so secret, 
so mysterious, that no newspaper dares to pub- 
lish them, or if it does reproduce them, it does 
so tardily and badly. 

A government that rules a country from a 
great distance is the one that has the most need 
for a free press, more so even than the govern- 
ment of the home country, if it wishes to rule 
rightly and fitly. The government that governs 
in a country may even dispense with the press (if 
it can), because it is on the ground, because it has 
eyes and ears, and because it directlyobserves 
what it rules and administers. But the govern- 
ment that yocerns from afar absolutely requires 
that the truth and the facts reach its knowledge 
by every possible channel, so that it may weigh 
and estimate them better, and this need 
increases when a country like the Philippines is 
concerned, where the inhabitants speak and 


complaia in a language unknown to the author- 
ities. To govern in any other way may also be 
called governing, but it is to govern badly. It 
amounts to pronouncing judgment after hearing 
only one of the parties; it is steering a ship 
without reckoning its conditions, the state of 
the sea, the reefs and shoals, the direction of 
the winds and currents. It is managing a house 
by endeavoring merely to give it polish and a 
fine appearance without watching the money- 
chest, without looking after the servants and 
the members of the family. 

But routine is a declivity down which many 
governments slide, and routine says that freedom 
of the press is dangerous. Let us see what 
History says: uprisings and revolutions have 
always occurred in countries tyrannized over, 
in countries where human thought and the 
human heart have been forced to remain silent- 

If the great Napoleon had not tyrannized 
over the press, perhaps it would have warned 


him of the peril into which he was hurled and 
have made him understand that tlie people were 
weary and the earth wanted peace. Perhaps 
his genius, instead of being dissipated in for- 
eign aggrandizement, would have become inten- 
sive in laboring to strengthen his position and 
thus have assured it. Spain herself records in 
her history more revolutions when the press 
was gagged. What colonies have become 
independent while they have had a free press 
and enjoyed liberty? Is it preferable to govern 
blindly or to govern with ample knowledge? 

Some one will answer that in colonies with a 
free press, the prestige of the rulers, that prop 
of false governments, will be greatly imperiled. 
We answer that the prestige of the nation is 
preferable to that of a few individuals. A 
nation acquires respect, not by abetting and 
concealing abuses, but by rebuking and punish- 
ing them. Moreover, to this prestige is ap- 
plicable what Napoleon said about great men 


and their valets. We, who endure and know 
all the false pretensions and petty persecutions 
of those sham gods, do not need a free press 
in order to recognize them; they have long ago 
lost their prestige. The free press is needed by 
the government, the government which still 
dreams of the prestige which it builds upon 
mined ground. 

We say the same about tlie Filipino repre- 

What risks does the government see in them? 
One of three things: either that they will prove 
unruly, become political trimmers, or act 

Supposing that we should yield to the most 
absurd pessimism and admit the insult, great 
for the Philippines, but still greater for Spain, 
that all the representatives would be separatists 
and that in all their contentions they would 
advocate separatist ideas: does not a patriotic 
Spanish majority exist there, is there not pre- 


sent there the vi<^ilance of the governing powers 
to combat and oppose such intentions? And 
would not this be better than the discontent 
that ferments and expands in the secrecy of the 
home, in the huts and in the fields? Certainly 
the Spanish people does not spare its blood 
where patriotism is concerned, but would not a 
struggle of principles in parliament be prefer- 
able to the exchange of shot in swampy lands, 
three thousand leagues from home, in impene- 
trable forests, under a burning sun or amid 
torrential rains? These pacific struggles of 
ideas, besides being a thermometer for the 
government, have the advantage of being cheap 
and glorious, because the Spanish parliament 
especially abounds in oratoricaL paladins, in- 
vincible in debate. Moreover, it is said that 
the Filipinos are indolent and peaceful — then 
what need the government fear? Hasn't it 
any influence in the elections? Frankly, it is 
a great compliment to the separatists to fear 
them in the midst of the Cortes of the nation. 


If they become political trimmers, as is to be 
expected and as they probably will be, so much 
the better for the government and so much the 
worse for their constituents. They would be a 
few more favorable votes, and the government 
could laugh openly at the separatists, if any 
there be. 

If they become what they should be, worthy, 
honest and faithful to their trust, they will 
undoubtedly annoy an ignorant or incapable 
minister with their questions, but they will help 
him to govern and will be some more honorable 
figures among the representatives of the nation. 

iSow then, if the real objection to the Filipino 
delegates is that they smell like Igorots, which 
so disturbed in open Senate the doughty General 
Salamanca, then Don Sinibaldo de Mas, who 
saw the Jgorots in person and wanted to live 
with them, can affirm that they will smell at 
worst like powder, and Seiior Salamanca 
undoubtedly has no fear of that odor. And if 


this were all, the Filipinos, who there in their 
own country are accustomed to bathe every 
day, when they become representatives may 
give up such a dirty custom, at least during the 
legislative session, so as not to offend the 
delicate nostrils of the Salamancas with the odor 
of the bath. 

It is useless to answer certain objections of 
some fine writers regarding the zather brown 
skins and faces with somewhat wide nostrils. 
Questions of taste are peculiar to each race. 
China, for example, which has four hundred 
million inhabitants and a very ancient civili- 
zation, considers all Europeans ugly and calls 
them "fan-kwai," or red devils. Its taste has a 
hundred million more adherents than the Eu- 
ropean. Moreover, if this is the question, we 
would have to admit the inferiority of the La- 
tins, especially the Spaniards, to the Saxons, 
who are much whiter. 

And so long as it is not asserted that the 
Spanish parliament is an assemblage of Adon- 


ises. Antinouses, pretty boys, and other like 
paragons; so long as the purpose of resorting 
thither is to legislate and not to philosophize 
or to wander through imaginary spheres, we 
maintain that the government ought not to pause 
at these objections. Law has no skin, nor rea- 
son nostrils. 

So we see no serious reason why the Philip- 
pines may not have representatives. By their 
institution many malcontents would be silenced, 
and instead of blaming its troubles upon the 
government, as now happens, the country would 
bear them better, for it could at least complain 
and with its sons among its legislators would 
in a way become responsible for their actions. 

We are not sure that we serve the true inte- 
rests of our country by asking for representa- 
tives. We know that the lack of enlightenment, 
the indolence, the egotism of our fellow coun- 
trymen, and the boldness, the cunning and the 
powerful methods of those who wish their ob- 


scurantism, may convert reform into a harmful 
instrument. But we wish to be loyal to the 
government and we are pointing out to it the 
road that appears best to us so that its efforts 
may not come to grief, so that discontent may 
disappear. If after so just, as well as necessary, 
a measuz-e has been introduced, the Filipino 
people are so stupid and weak that they are 
treacherous to their own interests, then let the 
responsibility fall upon them, let them suffer 
all the consequences. Every country gets the 
fate it deserves, and the government can say 
that it has done its duty. 

These are the two fundamental reforms, which, 
properly interpreted and applied, will dissipate 
all clouds, assure affection toward Spain, and 
make all succeeding reforms fruitful. These 
are the reforms sine quihus non. 

It is puerile to fear that independence may 
come through them. The free press will keep 
the government in touch with public opinion, 


and the representatives, if they are, as they 
ought to be, the best from among the sons of 
the Philippines, will be their hostages. With 
no cause for discontent, how then attempt to 
stir up the masses of the people? 

Likewise inadmissible is the objection offered 
by some regai'ding the imperfect culture oi the 
majority of the inhabitants. Aside from the 
fact that it is not so imperfect as is averred, 
there is no plausible reason wh}' the ignorant 
and the defective (whether through their own 
or another's fault) should be denied representa- 
tion to look after them and see that they are 
not abused. They are the very ones wlio most 
need it. No one ceases to be a man, no one 
forfeits his rights to civilization merely by 
being more or less uncultured, and since the 
Filipino is regarded as a tit citizen when he is 
asked to pay taxes or shed his blood to defend 
the fatherland, why must this fitness be denied 
him when the question arises of granting him 


some right? Moreover, how is he to be held 
responsible for his ignorance, when it is acknow- 
ledged by all, friends and enemies, that his 
zeal for learning is so great that even before 
the coming of the Spaniards every one could 
read and write, and that we now see the hum- 
blest families make enormous sacrifices in order 
that their children may become a little enlight- 
ened, even to the extent of working as servants 
in order to learn Spanish? How can the 
country be expected to become enlightened 
under present conditions when we see all the 
decrees issued by the government in favor of 
education meet with Pedro Rezios who prevent 
execution thereof, because they have in their 
hands what they call education ? If the Fili- 
pino, then, is sufficiently intelligent to pay 
taxes, he must also be able to choose and retain 
the one who looks after him and his interests, 
with the product whereof he serves the govern- 
ment of his nation. To reason otherwise is to 
reason stupidly. 


When the laws and the acts of oflficials are 
kept under surveillance, the word justice may 
cease to be a colonial jest. The thing that 
makes the English most respected in their pos- 
sessions is their strict and speedy justice, so 
that the inhabitants repose entire confidence in 
the judges. Justice is the foremost virtue of 
the civilizing races. It subdues the barbarous 
nations, while injustice arouses the weakest. 

Offices and trusts should be awarded by 
competition, publishing the work and the judg- 
ment thereon, so that there may be stimulus 
and that discontent may not be bred. Then, if 
the native does not shake off his indolence he 
can not complain when he sees all the offices 
filled by Castilas. 

We presume that it will not be the Spaniard 
who fears to enter into this contest, for thus 
will he be able to prove his superiority by the 
superiority of intelligence. Although this is 
not the custom in the sovereign country, it 


should be practiced in the colonies, for the 
reason that genuine prestige should be sought 
by means of moral qualities, because the col- 
onizers ought to be, or at least to seem, upright, 
honest and intelligent, just as a man simulates 
virtues when he deals with strangers. The of- 
fices and trusts so earned will do away with 
arbitrary dismissal and develop employees and 
officials capable and cognizant of their duties. 
The offices held by natives, instead of endanger- 
ing the Spanish domination, will merely serve 
to assure it, for what interest would they have 
in converting the sure and stable into the 
uncertain and problematical? The native is, 
moreover, very fond of peace and prefers an 
humble present to a brilliant future. Let the 
various Filipinos still holding office speak in 
this matter; they are the most unshaken 

We could add other minor reforms touching 
commerce, agriculture, security of the indivi- 


dual and of property, education, and so on, but 
these are points with which we shall deal in 
other articles. For the present we are satisfied 
with the outlines, and no one can say that we 
ask too much. 

There will not be lacking critics to accuse us 
of Utopianism: but what is Utopia? Utopia 
was a country imagined b}^ Thomas Moore, 
wherein existed universal suffrage, religious 
toleration, almost complete abolition of the 
death penalty, and so on. When the book was 
published these things were looked upon as 
dreams, impossibilities, that is, Utopianism. 
Yet civilization has left the country of Utopia 
far behind, the human will and conscience 
have worked greater miracles, have abolished 
slavery and the death penalty for adultery — 
things impossible for even Utopia itself! 

The French colonies have their representa- 
tives. The question has also been raised in the 
English parliament of giving representation 


to the Crown colonies, for the others already 
enjoy some autonomy. The press there also is 
free. Only Spain, which in the sixteenth cen- 
tury was the model nation in civilization, lags 
far behind Cuba and Porto Rico, whose inha. 
bitants do not number a third of those of the 
Philippines, and who have not made such sac- 
rifices for Spain, have numerous representatives. 
The Philippines in the early days had theirs, 
who conferred with the King and the Pope on 
the needs of the country. They had them in 
Spain's critical moments, when she groaned 
under the Napoleonic yoke, and they did not 
take advantage of the sovereign country's mis- 
fortune like other colonies, but tightened more 
firmly the bonds that united them to the nation, 
giving proofs of their loyalty; and they continu- 
ed until many years later. Wuatcrime have 
the Islands committed that they are deprived 
of their rights? 

To recapitulate: the Philippines will remain 
Sjianish, if they enter upon the life of law atid 


civilization, if the rights of their inhabitants 
are respected, if the other rights due them are 
granted, if the liberal policy of the government 
is carried out without trickery or meanness* 
without subterfuges or false interpretations. 

Otherwise, if an attempt is made to see in 
the Islands a lode to be exploited, a resource 
to satisfy ambitions, thus to relieve the sove- 
reign country of taxes, killing thegoosethatlays 
the golden eggs and shutting its ears to all 
cries of reason, then, however great may be the 
loyalty of the Filipinos, it will be impossible to 
hinder the operations of the inexorable laws of 
history. Colonies established to subserve the 
policy and the commerce of the soverign count- 
ry, all eventually become independent, said 
Bachelet, and before Bachelet all the Phoene- 
cian, Carthaginian, Greek, Roman, English, 
Portuguese and Spanish colonies had said it. 

Close indeed are the bonds that unite us to 
Spain. Two peoples do not live for three cen- 


turies in continual contact, sharing the same 
lot, shedding their hiood on the same fields, 
holding the same beliefs, worshipping the same 
God, interchanging the same ideas, but that 
ties are formed between them stronger than 
those fashioned bv arms or fear. Mutual sacri- 
fices and benefits have engendered affection. 
Machiavelli, the great reader of the human 
heart, said: la nafnra degli huomini, e cosi 
ohligarsi per li henejicii che e.ssi fanno, come, per 
quelli die essi ricevono (it is human nature to be 
bound as much by benefits conferred as by those 
received). All this, and more, is true, but it is 
pure sentimentality, and in the arena of poli- 
tics stern necessity and interests prevail. How- 
soever much the Filipinos owe Spain, they can 
not be required to forego their redemption, to have 
their liberal and enlightened sons wander about 
in exile from their native land, the rudest aspira- 
tions stifled in its atmosphere, the peacefulinhab- 
itant living in constant alarm, with the fortune 


of the two peoples dependent upon the whim 
of one man. Spain can not claim, not even in 
the name of God himself, that six millions of 
people should be brutalized, exploited and op- 
pressed, denied light and the rights inherent to 
a human being, and then heap upon them 
slights and insults. There is no claim of 
gratitude that can excuse, there is not enough 
powder in the world to justify, the offenses 
against the liberty of the individual, against 
the sanctity of the home, against the laws, 
against peace and honor, offenses that are com- 
mitted there daily. There is no divinity that 
can proclaim the sacrifice of our dearest affec- 
tions, the sacrifice of the family, the sacrileges 
and wrongs tliat are committed by persons who 
have the name of God on their lips. No one 
can require an impossibility of the Filipino 
people. The noble Spanish people, so "jealous 
of its rights and liberties, can not bid the Fili- 
pinos renounce theirs. A people that prides 
itself on the glories of its past can not aak 


another, trained by it, to accept abiection and 
dishonor its own name! 

We who today are struggling by the legal 
and peaceful means of debate so understand it, 
and with our gaze fixed upon our ideals, shall 
not cease to plead our cause, without going 
beyond the pale of the law, but if violence first 
silences us or we have the misfortune to fall 
(which is possible, for we are mortal), then we 
do not know what course will be taken by the 
numerous tendencies that will rush in to occupy 
the places that we leave vacant. 

If what we desire is not realized .... 

In contemplating such an unfortunate even- 
tuality, we must not turn away in horror, and 
so instead of closing our eyes we will face what 
the future may bring. For this purpose, after 
throwing the handful of dust due to Cerberus, 
let us frankly descend into the abyss and sound 
its terrible mysteries. 



TTISTOJRY does not record in its annals any 
lasting domination exercised by one peo- 
ple over another, of different race, of diverse 
usages and customs, of opposite and divergent 

One of the two had to yield and succumb. 
Either the foreigner was driven out, as happen- 
ed in the case of the Carthaginians, the Moors 
and the French in Spain, or else these autoch- 
thons bad to give way and perish, as was the 
case with the inhabitants of the New World, 
Australia and New Zealand. 

One of the longest dominations was that of 
the Moors in Spain, which lasted seven cent- 
uries. But, even though the conquerors lived in 
the country conquered, even though the Penin- 


sula was broken up into small states, which 
gradually emerged like little islands in the 
midst of the great Saracen inundation, and in 
spite of the chivalrous spirit, the gallantry and 
the religious toleration of the califs, they were 
finally driven out after bloody and stubborn 
conflicts, which formed the Spanish nation and 
created the Spain of the fifteenth and sixteenth 

The existence of a foreign body within an- 
other endowed with strength and activity is con- 
trary to all natural and ethical laws. Science 
teaches us that it is either assimilated, destroys 
the organism, is eliminated or becomes encysted. 

Encystment of a conquering people is impos- 
sible, for it signifies complete isolation, abso- 
lute inertia, debility in the conquering element. 
Encystment thus means the tomb of the foreign 

Now, applying these considerations to the 
Philippines, we must conclude, as a deduction 


from all we have said, that if their population 
be not assimilated to the Spanish nation, if the 
dominators do not enter into the spirit of their 
inhabitants, if equable laws and free and liber- 
al reforms do not make each forget that they 
belong to different races, or if both peoples be 
not amalgamated to constitute one mass, social- 
ly and politically homogeneous, that is, not 
harassed by opposing tendencies and antagonis- 
tic ideas and interests, some day the Philippines 
will fatally and infallibly declare themselves 
independent. To this law of destiny can be 
opposed neither Spanish patriotism, nor the 
love of all the Filipinos for Spain, nor the 
doubtful future of dismemberment and intestine 
strife in the Islands themselves. Necessity is 
the most powerful divinity the world knows, 
and necessity is the resultant of physical forces 
set in operation by ethical forces. 

We have said and statistics prove that it is 
impossible to exterminate the Filipino people. 


And even were it possible, what interest would 
Spain have in the destruction of the inhabitants 
of a country she can not populate or cultivate, 
whose climate is to a certain extent disastrous 
to her? What good would the Philippines be 
without the Filipinos? Quite otherwise, under 
her colonial system and the transitory character 
of the Spaniards who go to the colonies, a col- 
ony is so mucli the more useful and productive 
to her as it possesses inhabitants and wealth. 
Moreover, in order to destroy the six million 
Malays, even supposing them to be in their 
infancy and that they have never learned to 
fight and defend themselves, Spain would have 
to sacrifice at least a fourth of her popuhition. 
This we commend to the notice of the partizans 
of colonial exploitation. 

But nothing of this kind can happen. The 
menace is that when the education and liberty 
necessary to human existence are denied by 
Spain to the Filipinos, then they will seek 


enlightenment abroad, behind the mother coun. 
try's back, or they will secure by hook or by 
crook some advantages in their own country, 
with the result that the opposition of purblind 
and paretic politicians will not only be futile 
bnt even prejudicial, because it will convert 
motives for love and gratitude into resentment 
and hatred. 

Hatred and resentment on one side, mistrust 
and anger on the other, will finally result in a 
violent and terrible collision, especially when 
there exist elements interested in having dis- 
turbances, so that they may get something in 
the excitement, demonstrate their mighty power, 
foster lamentations and recriminations, or em- 
ploy violent measures. It is to be expected 
that the government will triumph and be gener- 
ally (as is the custom) severe in punishment, 
either to teach a stern lesson in order to vaunt 
its strength or even to revenge upon the van- 
quished the spells of excitement and terror that 


the danger caused it. An unavoidable conco- 
mitant of those catastrophes is the accumula- 
tion of acts of injustice committed against the 
innocent i-ind peaceful inhabitants. Private 
reprisals, denunciations, despicable accusations, 
resentments, covetousness, the opportune mo- 
ment for calumny, the haste and hurried pro- 
cedure of the courts martial, the pretext of the 
integrity of the fatherland and the safety of 
the state, which cloaks and justifies everything, 
even for scrupulous minds, which unfortunately 
are still rare, and above ail the panic-stricken 
timidity, the cowardice that battens upon the 
conquered — all these things augment the severe 
measures and the number of the victims. The 
result is that a chasm of blood is then opened 
between the two peoples, that the wounded and 
the afflicted, instead of becoming fewer, are 
increased, for to the families and friends of the 
guilty, who always think the punishment exces. 
sive and the judge unjust, must be added the 


families and friends of the innocent, who see 
no advantajje in livinsf and working submis 
sively and peacefully. Note, too, that if severe 
measures are dangerous in a nation made up 
of a homogeneous population, the peril is in- 
creased a hundred-fold when the government is 
formed of a race different from the governed. 
In the former an injustice may still be ascribed 
to one man alone, to a governor actuated by 
personal malice, and with the death of the tyrant 
the victim is reconciled to the government of 
his nation. But in a country dominated by a 
foreign race, even the justest act of severity is 
construed as injustice and oppression, because 
it is ordered by a foreigner, who is unsympa- 
thetic or is an enemy of the country, and the 
offense hurts not only the victim but his entire 
race, because it is not usually regarded as per- 
sonal, and so the resentment naturally spreads 
to the whole governing race and does not die 
out with the offender. 


Hence the great prudence and fine tact that 
should be exercised by colonizing countries, and 
the fact that government regards the colonies 
in general, and our colonial office in particular, 
as training schools, contributes notably to the 
fulfillment of the great law that the colonies 
sooner or later declare themselves independent. 

Such is the descent down which the peoples 
are precipitated. In proportion as they are 
bathed in blood and drenched in tears and gall, 
the colony, if it has any vitality, learns how to 
struggle and perfect itself in fighting, while the 
mother country, whose colonial life depends 
upon peace and the submission of the subjects, 
is constantly weakened, and, even though she 
make heroic efforts, as her number is less and 
she has only a fictitious existence, she finally 
perishes. She is like the rich voluptuary ac- 
customed to be waited upon by a crowd of 
servafits toiling and planting for him, and who, 
on the day liis slaves refuse bim obedience, as 
he does not live by his own efforts, must die. 


i?,eprisals, wrongs and suspicions on one part 
and on the other the sentiment of patriotism 
and liberty, which is aroused in these inces- 
sant conflicts, insurrections and uprisings, 
operate to generalize the movement and one of 
the two peoples must succumb. The struggle 
will be brief, for it will amount to a slavery 
much more cruel than death for the people and 
to a dishonorable loss of prestige for the 
dominator. One of the peoples must succumb. 

Spain, from the number of her itihabitants, 
from the condition of her army and navy, from 
the distance she is situated from the Islands, 
from her scanty knowledge of them, and from 
struggling against a people whose love and 
good will she has alienated, will necessarily 
have to give way, if she does not wish to risk 
not only her other possessions and her future 
in Africa, but also her very independence in 
Europe. All this at the cost of bloodshed and 
crime, after mortal conflicts, murders, conflagra- 


tions, military executions, famine and misery. 
The Spaniard is gallant and patriotic, and 
sacrifices everything, in favorable moments, for 
his country's good. He has the intrepidity of 
his bull. The Filipino loves his country no less, 
and although he is quieter, more peaceful, and 
with difficulty stirred up, when he is once 
aroused he does not hesitate and for him the 
struggle means death to one or the other com- 
batant. He has all the meekness and all the 
tenacity and ferocity of liis carabao. Climate 
affects bipeds in the same way that it does 

The terrible lessons and the hard teachings 
that these conflicts will have afforded the Fili- 
pinos will operate to improve and strengthen 
their ethical nature. The Spain of the fifteenth 
century was not the Spain of the eighth. With 
their bitter experience, instead of intestine con- 
flicts of some islands against others, as is 
generally feared, they will extend mutual sup- 


port, like shipwrecked persons when they reach 
0,n island after a fearful night of storm. Nor 
may it be said that we shall partake of the fate 
of the small American republics. They achiev- 
ed their independence easily, and their inhabi- 
tants are animated by a different spirit from 
what the Filipinos are. Besides, the danger of 
falling again into other hands, English or 
German, for example, will force the Filipinos 
to be sensible and prudent. Absence of any 
great preponderance of one race over the others 
will free their imagination from all mad ambi- 
tions of domination, and as the tendency of 
countries that have been tyrannized over, when 
they once shake off the yoke, is to adopt the 
freest government, like a boy leaving school, 
iike the beat of the pendulum, by a law of reac- 
tion the Islands will probably declare them- 
selves a federal republic. 

If the Philippines secure their independence 
after heroic and stubborn conflicts, they can 


rest assured that neither England, nor Germany, 
nor France, and still less Holland, will dare to 
take up what Spain has been unable to hold. 
Within a few years Africa will completely 
absorb the attention of the Europeans, and 
there is no sensible nation which, in order to 
secure a group of poor and hostile islands, will 
neglect the immense territory offered by the 
Dark Continent, untouched, undeveloped and 
almost undefended. England has enough col- 
onies in the Orient and is not going to risk 
losing her balance. She is not going to sacri- 
fice her Indian Empire for the poor Philippine 
Islands — if slie had entertained such an inten- 
tion she would not have restored Manila in 
1763, but would have kept some point in the 
Philippines, whence she might gradually expand. 
Moreover, what need has John Bull the trader 
to exliaust himself for the Philippines, when he 
is already lord of the Orient, when he has there 
Singapore, Hongkong and Shanghai? It is 


probable that England will look favorably upon 
the independence of the Philippines, for it will 
open their ports to her and afford greater free- 
dom to her commerce. Furthermore, there 
exist in the United Kingdom tendencies and 
opinions to the effect that she already has too 
many colonies, that they are harmful, that they 
greatly weaken the sovereign country. 

For the same reasons Germany will not care 
to run any risk, and because a scattering of her 
forces and a war in distant countries will 
endanger her existence on the continent. Thus 
we see her attitude, as much in the Pacific as 
in Africa, is confined to conquering easy ter- 
ritory that belongs to nobody. Germany avoids 
any foreign complications. 

France has enough to do and sees more of a 
future in Tongking and China, besides the fact 
that the French spirit does not shine in zeal for 
colonization. France loves glory, but the glory 
and laurels that grow on the battlefields of 


Europe. The echo from battlefields in the Far 
East hardly satisfiies her craving for renown, 
for it reaches her quite faintly. She has also 
other obligations, both internally and on the 

Holland is sensible and will be content to 
keep the Moluccas and Java. Sumatra offers 
her a greater future than the Philippines, whose 
seas and coasts have a sinister omen for Dutch 
expeditions. Holland proceeds with great cau- 
tion in Sumatra and Borneo, from fear of losing 

China will consider herself fortunate if she 
succeeds in keeping herself intact and is not 
dismembered or partitioned among the Euro- 
pean powers that are colonizing the continent 
of Asia. 

The same is true of Japan. On the north 
she has Russia, who envies and watches her; on 
the south England, with whom she is in accord 
even to her official language, Sbe is, moreover, 


under such diplomatic pressure from Europe 
that she can not think of outside affairs until 
she is freed from it, which will not be an easy 
matter. True it is that she has an excess 
of population, but Korea .attracts her more 
than the Philippines and is, also, easier to seize. 

Perhaps the great American Republic, whose 
interests lie in the Pacific and who has no hand 
in the spoliation of Africa, may some day dream 
of foreign possession. This is not impossible, 
for the example is contagious, covetousness and 
ambition are among the strongest vices, and 
Harrison manifested something of this sort in 
the Samoan question. But the Panama Canal 
is not opened nor the territory of the States 
congested with inhabitants, and in case she 
should openly attempt it the European powers 
would not allow her to proceed, for they know 
very well that the appetite is sharpened by the 
first bites. North America would be quite a 
troublesome rival, if she should once get into 


the business. Furthermore, this is contrary to 
her traditions. 

Very likely the Philippines will defend with 
inexpressible valor the liberty secured at the 
price of so much blood and sacrifice. With 
the new men that will spring from their soil 
and with the recollection of their past, they 
will perhaps strive to enter freely upon the wide 
road of progress, and all will labor together to 
strengthen their fatherland, both internally and 
externally, with the same enthusiasm with 
which a youth falls again to tilling the land of 
his ancestors, so long wasted and abandoned 
through the neglect of those who have withheld 
it from him. Then the mines will be made to 
give up their gold for relieving distress, iron 
for weapons, copper, lead and coal. Perhaps 
the country will revive the maritime and mer- 
cantile life for which the islanders are fitted by 
their nature, ability and instincts, and once 
more free, like the bird that leaves its cage, 


like the Hower that unfolds to the air, will re- 
cover the pristine virtues that are gradually 
dying out and will again become addicted to 
peace — cheerful, happv, joyous, hospitable and 

These and many other things may come to 
pass within something like a hundred years. 
But the most logical prognostication, the pro- 
phecy based on the best probabilities, may err 
through remote and insignificant causes. An 
octopus that seized Mark Antony's ship altered 
the face of the world; a cross on Cavalry and a 
just man nailed thereon changed the ethics of 
half the human race, and yet before Christ, how 
many just men wrongfully perished and how 
many crosses were raised on that hill! The 
death of the just sanctified his work and made 
his teaching unanswerable. A sunken road at 
the battle of Waterloo buried all the glories of 
two brilliant decades, the whole Napoleonic 
world, and freed Europe. Upon what chance 


accidents will the destiny of the Philippines 

Nevertheless, it is not well to trust to ac- 
cident, for there is sometimes an imperceptible 
and incomprehensible logic in the workings of 
history. Fortunately, peoples as well as govern- 
ments are subject to it. 

Therefore, we repeat, and we will ever repeat, 
while there is time, that it is better to keep 
pace with the desires of a people than to give 
way before them: the former begets sympathy 
and love, the latter contempt and anger. Since 
it is necessary to grant six million Filipinos 
their rights, so that they may be in fact 
Spaniards, let the government grant these rights 
freely and spontaneously, without damaging 
reservations, without irritating mistrust. We 
shall never tire of repeating this while a ray of 
hope is left us, for we prefer this unpleasant 
task to the need of some day saying to the 
mother country: "Spain, we have spent our 


youth in serving thy interests in the interests 
of our country; we have looked to thee, we have 
expended the whole light of our intellects, all 
the fervor and enthusiasm of our hearts in work" 
ing for the good of what was thine, to draw 
from thee a glance of love, a liberal policy that 
would assure us the peace of our native land 
and thy sway over loyal but unfortunate 
islands! Spain, thou hast remained deaf, and, 
wrapped up in thy pride, hast pursued thy 
fatal course and accused us of being traitors, 
merely because we love our country, because 
we tell thee the truth and hate all kinds of in- 
justice. What dost thou wish us to tell our 
wretched country, when it asks about the result 
of our efforts? Must we say to it that, since 
for it we have lost everything — youth, future, 
hope, peace, family; since in its service we have 
exhausted all the resources of hope, all the dis- 
illusions of desire, it also take the residue which 
we can not use, the blood from our veins and 


the strength left in our arms? Spain, must we 
some day tell Filipinas that thou hast no ear 
for her woes and that if she wishes to be saved 
ehe must redeem herself?" 

RiZAL's Farewell Address 

Address to Some Filipinos 

"Countrymen: On my return from Spain i 
learned that my name had been in use, among 
some who were in arms, as a war-cry. The 
news came as a painful surprise, but, believing 
it already closed, I kept silent over an incident 
which I considered irremediable. Now 1 notice 
indications of the disturbances continuing, and 
if any still, in good or bad faith, are availing 
themselves of my name, to stop this abuse and 
undeceive the unwary [ hasten to address you 
these lines that the truth may be known. 

"From the very beginning, when I first had 
notice of what was being planned, I opposed it, 
and demonstrated its absolute impossibility. 
This is the fact, and witnesses to my words are 
now living. I was convinced that the scheme 


was utterly absurd, and, what was worse, would 
bring great suffering. 

"1 did even more. When later, against my 
advice, the movement materialized, of mv own 
accord I offered not alone my good offices, but 
my very life, and even my name, to be used in 
whatever way might seem best, toward stifling 
the rebellion; for, convinced of the ills which it 
would bring, 1 considered myself fortunate, if, 
at any sacrifice, I could prevent such useless 
misfortunes. This equally is of record. My 
countrymen, I have given proofs that I am one 
most anxious for liberties for our country, and 
I am still desirous of them. Jlnt I jAace as a 
2)rior condition the education of the peopJe, that 
by means of instruction and industry our country 
may have an individuality of its own and make 
itself worthy of these liberties. 1 have recom- 
mended in my writings the study of civic vir- 
tues, without which there is no redemption. 
I have written likewise (and repeat my words) 


that reforms, to be beneficial, must come from 
above, that those which come from below are 
irregularly gained and uncertain. 

"Holding these ideas, I cannot do less than 
condemn, and I do condemn, this uprising, — as 
absurd, savage, and plotted behind my back, — 
which dishonors us Filipinos and discredits 
those who could plead our cause. I abhor its 
criminal methods and disclaim all part in it, 
pitying from the bottom of my heart the unwary 
who have been deceived. 

"Return, then, to your homes, and may God 
pardon those who have worked in bad faith. 

Jose Rizal. 

"Fort Santiago, December 15th, 1896. 

The Spanish j udge-advocategeneral com- 
mented upon the address: 

"The preceding address to his countrymen 
which Dr. Rizal proposes to direct to them, is 
not in substance the patriotic protest against 


separatist manifestations and tendencies which 
ought to come from those who claim to be loyal 
sons of Spain. According to his declarations, 
Don Jose Rizal limits himself to condemning 
the present insurrectionary movement as 
premature and because he considers now its 
triumph impossible, but leaves it to be inferred 
that the wished-for independence can be gained 
by procedures less dishonorable than those now 
being followed by the rebels, when the culture 
of the people shall be a most valuable asset for 
the combat and guarantee its successful issue. 

"For Rizal the fjuestion is of opportuneness, 
not of principles nor of aims. His manifest » 
might be summarized in these words: 'Because 
of my proofs of the rebellion's certainty to fail, 
lay down your arms, my countryuieu. fiUter 
I shall lead you to the Promised Litnd.' 

■'So far from being conducive to peace, it 
could advance^ in the future the spirit of 
rebellion. For this reason the publicati'.>n of 


the proposed address seems impolitic, and 1 
would recommend to Your Excellency to forbid 
its being made public, but to order that all 
these papers be forwarded to the Judge Advocate 
therein and added to the case against Eizal." 
"Manila, December 19th, 1896. 

RizAL's Defence 

These '^Additions'' were really Doctor llhaVs 
defence before the court martial which condemned 
him and pretended to have tried him, on the 
charge of having organized revolutionary so- 
cieties and so being responsible for the rebellion. 

The only counsel permitted him, a young lieu- 
tenant selected from the junior Spanish army 
officers, risJced the displeasure of his superiors in 
the few ivords he did say, but his argument ivas 
pitiably iveah. The court scene, where liizal sat 
Jor hours with his elhows corded bach of him while 
the crowd, unrebuked by the court, clamored for 
his deatii, recalls file stories (f the bloody assizes 
of Judge Jeffreys and of the bloodthirsty tribunals 
(f the lieiyn of Terror. He was cotnpelled to 
testify himself was not permitted to hear tlic tes- 
timony given for tJie prosecutio)), no witness dared 
favor him, much less appeav in his behalf, and 
his own brotiier had been tortured, with the thuml- 
screu)s as well as in other ynediaeval and modern 
ways, in a vain endeavor to extort a confession 
implicating the Doctor. 

Additions to my Defence 

Don Jose Rizal y Alonso respectfully requests 
the Court Martial to consider well the following 

First. — Re the rebellion. From July 6th, 
1892, 1 had absolutely no connection with poli- 
tics until July 1st of this year when, advised by 
Don Pio Valenzuela that an uprising was pro- 
posed, I counselled against it, trying to con- 
vince him with arguments. Don Pio Valenzue- 
la left me convinced apparently; so much so 
that instead of later taking part in rebellion, 
he presented himself to the authorities for 

Secondly: — A proof that 1 maintained no po_ 
litical relation with any one, and of the falsity 
of the statement that I was in the habit of send- 
ing letters by my family, is the fact that it 


■was necessary to send Don Pio Valenzuela un- 
der an assumed name, at considerable cost, 
when in the same steamer were travelling five 
members of ni}' family besides two servants. If 
what has been charged were true, what occa- 
sion was there for Don Pio to attract the atten- 
tion of any one and incur large expenses? Be- 
sides, the mere fact of Sr. Valenzuela's coming 
to inform me of the rebellion proves that I was 
not in correspondence with its promoters for if 
1 had been then I should have known of it, for 
making an uprising is a sufficiently serious mat- 
ter not to liide it from me. When they took 
the step of sending yr. iValen/.nehi, it proves 
that they were aware that I knew nothing, that 
is to say, that 1 was not maintaining correspon- 
dence with them. Another negative proof is 
that not a single letter of mine can be shown. 

Thirdly — They cruelly abused my name and 
at the last hour wanted to surprise me. Why 
did they not communicate with me before? 


They might say like>vise that I was, if not Cdii- 
tent, at least resigned to my fate, for 1 had re- 
fused various propositions which a number of 
people made me to rescue me from that place 
Only in these last months, in consequence of 
certain domestic affairs, having had differences 
with a missionary padre, I had sought to go as 
a volunteer to Cuba. Don Pio Yalenzuelacame 
to warn me that 1 miglit put myself in security 
because, according to him, it was possible that 
they might compromise me. As I considered 
myself wholly innocent and was not posted on 
the details of the movement (besides that I had 
convinced Sr. Valenzuela) I took no precautions, 
but when His Excellency, the Governor General, 
wrote me announcing my departure for ("!uba, 1 
embarked at once, leaving all my affairs unat- 
tended to. And yet I could have gone to 
another part or simply have staid in Dapitan 
for His Excellency's letter was conditional. It 
said — "If you persist in your idea of going to 


Cuba, etc." When the uprising occurred it 
found me on board the warship "Castilla", and 
I offered myself unconditionally to His Excel- 
lency. Twelve or fourten days later I set out 
for Europe, and had I had an uneasy conscience 
I should have tried to escape in some port en 
route, especially Singapore, where 1 went ashore 
and when other passengers who had passports 
for Spain staid over. I had an easy conscience 
and hoped to go to Cuba, 

Fourthly. — In Dapitan 1 had boats and 1 was 
permitted to make excursions along the coast 
and to the settlements, absences which lasted 
as long as I wished, at times a week. If L had 
still had intentions of political activity, 1 might 
have gotten away even in the vintas of the 
Moros whom I knew in the settlements. Neither 
would I have built my small hospital nor bought 
land nor invited my family to live with me. 

Fifthly. — Some one has said that I was the 
chief. What kind of a chief is he who is ijrnor- 


ed in the plotting and who is notified only that 
he may escape? How is he chief who when he 
says no, they say yes? 

— As to the ''Liga": 

Sixthly.- — It is true that 1 drafted its By-Laws 
whose aims were to promote commerce, indus- 
try, the arts, etc, by means of united action, as 
have testified witnesses not at all prejudiced 
in my favor, rather the reverse. 

Seventhly — The "Liga" never came into real 
existence nor ever got to Avorking, since after 
the first meeting no one paid any attention to 
it, because 1 was exiled a few days later. 

Eighthly. — If it was reorganized nine months 
afterwards by other persons, as now is said, I 
was ignorant of the fact. 

Ninthly ■ — The "Liga" was not a society with 
harmful tendencies and the proof is the fact 
that the radicals had to leave it, organizing the 
Katipnnan which was what answered their pur- 
poses. Had the "Liga" lacked only a little of 


being adapted for rebellion, the radicals would 
not liave left it but simply would have modified 
it; besides, if, as some allege, I am the chief, 
out of consideration for me and for the pre- 
stige of my name, they would have retained 
the name of "Liga". Their having abandoned 
it, name and all, proves clearly that they nei- 
ther counted on me nor did the "Liga" serve 
their purposes, otherwise they would not have 
madeaiiotlier society when they had one already 

Tenthly. — As to my letters, 1 beg of the court 
that, if there are any bitter criticisms in them, 
it will consider the circumstances under which 
they were Avritten. Then we had been deprived 
of our two dwellings, warehouses, lands, and 
besides all my brothers-in-law and my brother 
were depoited, in consequence (»f a suit arising 
from an inquiry of the Administracion de Ha- 
cienda (tax-collecting branch of the government), 
a case i!i wliich, according to oui' attorney (in 


Madrid), Sr. Linares Rivas, we bad the right 
on our side. 

Meventbly. — -That I have endured exile with- 
out complaint, not because of the charge alleg- 
ed, for that was not true, but for what 1 had 
been able to write. And ask the politico mili. 
tary commanders of the district where L resided 
of my conduct during these four years of exile^ 
of the town, even of the very missionary parish 
priests despite my personal differences with one 
of them. 

Twelfthly. — All these facts and considera. 
tions destroy the little-founded accusation of 
those who have testified against me, with whom 
I have asked the Judge to be confronted. Is it 
possible that in a single night I was able to line 
up all the filibusterism, at a gathering which 
discussed commerce, etc., a gathering which 
went no further for it died immediately after- 
wards? If the few who were present had been 
influenced by my words they would not have 


let the "Liga" die. Is it that those who fortued 
part of the "Liga" that night founded the Ka- 
tipunan? I think not. Who went to Dapitnn 
to interview me? Persons entirely unknown to 
me. Why was not an acquaintance sent, in 
whom I would have had more confidence? Be- 
cause those acquainted with me knew ver}' well 
that I liad forsaken politics or that, realizing 
my views on rebellion, they must have refused 
to undertake a mission useless and unpromising. 

I trust that by these considerations I have 
demonstrated that neither did I found a society 
for revolutionary purposes, nor have I taken 
part since in others, nor have I been concerned 
in the rebellion, but that on the contrary 1 
have been opposed to it, as the making public 
of a private conversation has proven. 

Fort Santiago, Dec. 26, 1896. 


The remarks about the rebellion arc from a pho- 
tographic copy of the pencil notes used by Rizal 
for his brief speech. Thenumuscript is note in the 
possession of Sr. Edtiardo Lete, of Saragossa, 

Respecting the Rebellion. 

I had no notice at all of what was being 
planned until the first or second of July, in 
1896, when Pio Valenzuela came to see me, 
saying that an uprising was being arranged. 
1 told him that it was absurd, etc., etc. and he 
answered nie that they could bear no more. [ 
ndvised him that they should have patience, 
etc., etc. He added then that he had been 
sent because they had compassion of my life and 
that piobubly it would compromise me. I re- 
plied that tliey should have patience and that 
if anything happened to me I would then prove 
my innocence. "Besides, said 1, don't consider 
me but our country which is the one that will 
suffer." I w^ent on to show how absurd was 
the movement. — This later Pio Valenzuela tes- 
tified. — IJe did not tell me that my name was 


being used, neither did he siio^gest that I was 
its chief, nor anything of that sort. 

Those who testify that I am the chief (which 
1 do not know nor do I know of having ever 
treated with them), what proofs do they pre- 
sent of my having accepted this chiefship or 
that I was in relations with them or with their 
society? Either they have made use of my 
name for their >wn purposes or they have been 
deceived by others who liave. Wliere is tlie 
chief who dictates no order nor makes any 
arrangement, who is not consulted in any 
way about so important an enterprise until 
the last moment, and tlien, when he decides 
against it, is disobeyed? Since tlie seventh of 
July of 181*2 1 have entirely ('ciised political 
activity. It seems some have wislied to avail 
themsi^ves of my ntune for their own ends. 


Los Angeles 

This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 


At2 9 

APR 14 

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